|Back to Business as Usual||After the London Bombings: What We Can Do|
by Christopher Chantrill
July 17, 2005 at 12:53 pm
A WEEK AFTER the bombings of 7/7 the British think they have a problem. The bombers were native Britons. They werent crazed loners or foreigners but Islamic children of the British nation state, kids who had enjoyed the full benefit of a modern, social democratic childhood as directed down to the last detail by modernizing New Labour functionaries.
Cheer up Brits. You dont have a problem. Its the Muslims that have the problem. The mad Islamicist bombers will confine Muslims everywhere to the margins of the modern world unless they do something about them.
But the solution to the problem is not, as many seem to think, that the Muslim community must deliver up its dangerous extremists to justice. Even sober American minds, like Charles Krauthammer and Jonah Goldberg, have fallen for this approach.
This idea, waving a big stick after years of apology and talk of diversity and inclusion, is hardly likely to succeed.
Instead, we should trade on the need of every immigrant community to rise up in the world and join the in-crowd. We should take the high-handed approach that every desirable club or in-group takes. We should send the same message that the Marines send with their timeless advertisement: We are looking for a few good men.
All desirable groupsmonasteries, armies, clubs, lawyers, physicians, and even gangsindoctrinate their applicants with the idea that they must go through a challenging but necessary novitiate to prove their worthiness before they can acquire full membership. To be a full member in the club means something, and it would be wrong to lower the standards just to be nice.
This principle applies in spades when we talk about earning citizenship in the worlds democratic nation states.
But our lefty friends send quite a different message to the many groups, like the Muslims, not yet fully integrated into the western club. Instead of praising the west they apologizefor its racism, its sexism, its classism, and they have rewarded minority communities for taking on the role of helpless victim. Why should any minority community want to join a club that is apologizing for its faults?
Fresh from our morning study of Heidegger and Rorty, we conservative postmodernists understand what is going on here. It is power. First of all, our lefty friends have painstakingly constructed a narrative that justifies their power: how they nobly freed the slaves, how they fought for worker rights, for womens suffrage, for civil rights, for a womans right to choose, and for diversity, and how they deserve to occupy well-paid sinecures with lifetime tenure to defend and extend these social gains. One of the interlocking directorates of their vast monopoly is the racial grievance industry, charged with the project of enlarging the natural sense of insecurity in minority communities into a sense of outraged and electorally useful grievance. What a concept!
Of course, our lefty friends do not play this game with their own treasured institutions. In the selection of tenured college professors they operate a system of ruthless exploitation and humiliation designed to select only the best for membership. The system puts tens of thousands of would-be college professors through years of sweatshop wages and tenure-track hell. But it is all worth it, to hope to become one day a member of the academic elite. Even lefties believe that membership has its privileges.
But the 7/7 bombing is not the first attack this year upon the members of the nation state club. Before British Muslims sent the message that they didnt want to belong to a club that apologized for its members, the French and the Dutch in two elections beat back an attack by the EU elite on their nation states.
These events warn us that the elite project to emasculate the nation state and replace it with supranational institutions is well advanced. The project wants to destroy the nation state by encouraging separatism in minority communities and by subsuming the nation state in supranational organizations accountable only to elites.
The nation state is worth fighting for. It is the miraculous idea that persuades ordinary people to abandon as a primary political loyalty their local blood ties of family and clan and enter into a larger social compact of national identity. It is the difference between Arabia and the developed world. It requires the abandonment of the code of honor, the blood feud, the culture of nepotism. It demands taking up the world of contract, and the rule of law, and extending the circle of trust beyond the boundary of blood and faith.
Let us welcome with open arms the Muslim communities in full partnership in our nation states. But first they need to complete the customary apprenticeship in western ways and western culture. It will be worth it.
Buy his Road to the Middle Class.
But I saw a man yesterday who knows a fellow who had it from a chappie
that said that Urquhart had been dipping himself a bit recklessly off the deep end.
Dorothy L. Sayers, Strong Poison
Civil Societya complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churchesbuilds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust
Tear down theory, poetic systems... No more rules, no more models... Genius conjures up
rather than learns... Victor Hugo
César Graña, Bohemian versus Bourgeois
We have met with families in which for weeks together, not an article of sustenance but potatoes had been used; yet for every child the hard-earned sum was provided to send them to school.
E. G. West, Education and the State
When we began first to preach these things, the people appeared as awakened from the sleep of agesthey seemed to see for the first time that they were responsible beings, and that a refusal to use the means appointed was a damning sin.
Finke, Stark, The Churching of America, 1776-1990
When we received Christ, Phil added, all of a sudden we now had a rule book to go by, and when we had problems the preacher was right there to give us the answers.
James M. Ault, Jr., Spirit and Flesh
A writer who says that there are no truths, or that all truth is merely relative, is asking you not to believe him. So dont.
Roger Scruton, Modern Philosophy
As far as the Catholic Church is concerned, the principal focus of her interventions in the public arena is the protection and promotion of the dignity of the person, and she is thereby consciously drawing particular attention to principles which are not negotiable...
[1.] protection of life in all its stages, from the first moment of conception until natural death; [2.] recognition and promotion of the natural structure of the family... [3.] the protection of the right of parents to educate their children.
Pope Benedict XVI, Speech to European Peoples Party, 2006
At first, we thought [the power of the West] was because you had more powerful guns than we had. Then we thought it was because you had the best political system. Next we focused on your economic system. But in the past twenty years, we have realized that the heart of your culture is your religion: Christianity.
David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing
But the only religions that have survived are those which support property and the family.
Thus the outlook for communism, which is both anti-property and anti-family, (and also anti-religion), is not promising.
F.A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit
Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says we should....
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity
Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism