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by Christopher Chantrill
February 17, 2015 at 12:00 am
LAST WEEK ERICK Erickson of RedState did a piece on the mopping up operations after the victory of gay marriage in what Steve Sailer calls “World War G.”
In Oregon, Aaron and Melissa Klein and their five children are losing their home due to bankruptcy. Their business, Sweet Cakes by Melissa, is going under.
Why would that be? Could they be part of the 30 million without health insurance? Not at all. The couple refused to bake a cake for a lesbian couple’s wedding and so Oregon ordered them to pay the lesbian couple $150,000.
You may be outraged, but I am not. It is not because I am insensitive, although I am. It is because that’s what happens after the activists win the war: they start to bully, as in “Our Loud, Proud Left.”
When you organize to fight an injustice, you mobilize as for war. You recruit activist soldiers, you devise strategy; you train the troops and you go out and fight battles in the public square to force the unjust ruling class to stop their cruel and unjust oppression.
But what happens after you win the war? Do you go home to Mount Vernon and send the troops home to their farms? Not at all, for activism is all you know. You find new battles for your troops to fight, new ways to force the ruling class to bend to your will, and so you make the turn from fighting against injustice to fighting for injustice.
Last week The New Republic ran an article by Peter Moskowitz full of outrage at Illinois GOP governor Bruce Rauner’s executive order (!) that “will prevent public-sector unions in the state from collecting mandatory dues from employees who choose to decline union membership” just like the half-educated Scott Walker in Wisconsin. It’s all a cunning plan to deny funds to the Democratic Party and gin up support among conservatives.
What Moskowitz does not tell us is that these are government worker unions, that government workers make up to 40 percent more than private sector workers, and that government worker pensions are pushing states (especially Illinois) to bankruptcy.
The problem is that special privileges for labor unions that seemed, 150 years ago, a “good thing” to enlightened people, are now driving state and local governments to bankruptcy.
At what point did labor unions transform themselves from underprivileged workers protesting and marching for justice and become the current corrupt special interest preying on voters and taxpayers — and helpless politicians?
We see this everywhere. Fifty years ago, civil rights was a noble cause, to extend to the descendants of slaves the same rights as everyone else; but now it’s a racket, a game of quotas and shake-downs and name-calling. Forty years ago well-born women protested and marched for the right to equal pay and high-flying careers; now they are just bullying people because they got the power. Forty years ago gays wanted the right to come out of the closet and stop hiding their sexuality. Now they are using their political power to change the marriage laws and bully small businesses because they got the power.
Of course they do. All they know is organizing to force the government to bend to their will. And government is just the name for things we do
together by force.
But enough about liberals; I’m sick of them. Either we the people will rise up and organize to smash liberal power and its injustice or we will snivel away the future tugging our forelocks, Igors mumbling “Yes, Master” as we go to our “voluntary” indoctrination classes.
My question is: What about us? Suppose we conservatives win the political future and with it the power to reform the welfare state? What I want to know is: what are we doing right now to limit our power once we get the keys to the kingdom?
For me, there is no glory, no honor in persuading the American people to make a change and then using our power to humiliate the liberals the way that liberals instinctively dishonor and humiliate anyone that disagrees with them.
So what is to be done? Perhaps not much.
Perhaps we can start with the fact that US conservatives have this curious doctrine about limited government. We think it is a good idea. And the smaller the footprint of government the less chance for it to step on someone. There is the fact that we believe in a “leave me alone” society where people don’t use government to order other people around, and instead practice responsible individualism.
And there is the fact that many conservatives revere Winston Churchill, who advised “in victory, magnanimity.”
We conservatives can do better than liberal injustice. And we must.
Buy his Road to the Middle Class.
The incentive that impels a man to act is always some uneasiness...
But to make a man act [he must have]
the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove
or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action
But I saw a man yesterday who knows a fellow who had it from a chappie
that said that Urquhart had been dipping himself a bit recklessly off the deep end.
Dorothy L. Sayers, Strong Poison
At first, we thought [the power of the West] was because you had more powerful guns than we had. Then we thought it was because you had the best political system. Next we focused on your economic system. But in the past twenty years, we have realized that the heart of your culture is your religion: Christianity.
David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing
[In the] higher Christian churches... they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
Civil Societya complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churchesbuilds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust
In England there were always two sharply opposed middle classes, the academic middle class and the commercial middle class. In the nineteenth century, the academic middle class won the battle for power and status... Then came the triumph of Margaret Thatcher... The academics lost their power and prestige and... have been gloomy ever since.
Freeman Dyson, The Scientist as Rebel
Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says we should....
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity
What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph
When we received Christ, Phil added, all of a sudden we now had a rule book to go by, and when we had problems the preacher was right there to give us the answers.
James M. Ault, Jr., Spirit and Flesh
I mean three systems in one: a predominantly market economy; a polity respectful of the rights of the individual to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and a system of cultural institutions moved by ideals of liberty and justice for all.
In short, three dynamic and converging systems functioning as one: a democratic polity, an economy based on markets and incentives, and a moral-cultural system which is plural and, in the largest sense, liberal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism
There was nothing new about the Frankish drive to the east... [let] us recall that the continuance of their rule depended upon regular, successful, predatory warfare.
Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion
We have met with families in which for weeks together, not an article of sustenance but potatoes had been used; yet for every child the hard-earned sum was provided to send them to school.
E. G. West, Education and the State