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by Christopher Chantrill
April 28, 2015 at 12:00 am
ACCORDING TO liberal foot-soldier Doyle McManus in the LA Times, the Democrats are going to do a special reach-out to white working-class men in 2016. It’s easy to see why:
Democrats were once the party of the white working man — but that was a long time ago.
In the 2012 presidential election, Barack Obama won only one-third of the votes of white working-class men, a modern-day low. Mitt Romney, who didn’t seem much like a blue-collar guy, swept the votes of those working stiffs by a huge margin.
In the 2014 congressional election, Democratic candidates did even worse[.]
So McManus reports that Dems are gonna romance the white working class with a bit of Elizabeth Warren populism and CEO-bashing, and “a more serious commitment to both campaign reform and a leaner, more efficient federal government.”
But former Sen. Jim Webb (D-VA) thinks the Dems are missing the point. Says he:
I think that they have kind of unwittingly used this group, white working males, as a whipping post for a lot of their policies. And then when they react, they say they’re being racist.
Webb reminds me that this all started with Archie Bunker, hero of Norman Lear’s 1970’s sitcom All in the Family. When I was dining with a bunch of liberals a few nights ago, I learned that “racist” still meant white working-class Archie Bunker.
It’s curious, isn’t it, that racist for liberals doesn’t necessarily mean Bull Connor and his fire-hoses or Lester Maddox and his axe. No, let’s all rag on Archie Bunker, the poor working-class schmuck working on a loading dock in Queens.
What did Archie Bunker do to deserve his spot in the liberal chamber of horrors?
More to the point, why did liberals decide in the years after the civil-rights revolution that a working-class white had to symbolize centuries of white racism and guilt? I thought that the working class was created when a “mass of free proletarians was hurled on the labour market by the breaking-up of the bands of feudal retainers, who, as Sir James Steuart well says, ’everywhere uselessly filled house and castle.’” How could these victims be racists?
The demonization of the white working-class turned out to be necessary, because the quota politics of the 1970s meant that white ethnics were going to get shafted in favor of politically favored women and minorities. So the white working-class males had to be guilty of something. Liberals wouldn’t, couldn’t unjustly victimize genuine innocents; it just wasn’t in their DNA. So the white working class had to be labeled racists and sexists, and in good time, homophobes as well. Anyway, the working-class whites showed their true colors when they resisted forced busing in South Boston in 1974-76.
But there’s another, darker, reason why it was so easy for liberals to demonize the white working class for the sins of other peoples’ fathers. The white working class had just spent fifty years as the little darlings of the liberals. They didn’t have their own leaders; the liberals had done all the leading for them. So when liberals turned on them the white working class was defenseless and leaderless.
Notice the difference in the last year with the Gamergate guys and the Sad Puppies SF guys. They could push back against the SJWs because they had their own self-starting leadership. Here’s more pushback. This week there’s a flap in London about posters on the London Underground for Protein World, a protein supplement outfit, featuring bikini-clad models asking “Are You Beach Body Ready?” The SJWs staged a Twitter storm but the Protein World guys are fighting back and loving the free publicity.
Meanwhile liberals are disgusted by the GOP candidates all making like they have grease in their fingernails. Scott Walker just loves Kohl’s, sneers Paul Waldman, and Rick Perry grew up in a house without running water.
“In the abstract,” writes Waldman, it seems obvious that “someone who had gone through” middle-class struggles “would advocate policies that would be the most help to those ordinary people. But there’s no evidence that’s actually what happens.”
If that’s true then why did the Obamis run those Joe Soptic ads, and why has everyone made such a big deal that Obama beat Romney 80-20 on “cares about people like me?”
I spent the weekend in Santa Rosa, CA, 50 miles north of the Golden Gate Bridge, and it was noticeable how white working-class it was. But what did I expect? The white working class can’t afford to live in San Francisco or Marin County or Silicon Valley, and they wouldn’t dare live in Oakland.
I wonder how far they have to commute to their jobs. And I wonder if Hillary Clinton cares about that.
Buy his Road to the Middle Class.
The incentive that impels a man to act is always some uneasiness...
But to make a man act [he must have]
the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove
or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action
But I saw a man yesterday who knows a fellow who had it from a chappie
that said that Urquhart had been dipping himself a bit recklessly off the deep end.
Dorothy L. Sayers, Strong Poison
At first, we thought [the power of the West] was because you had more powerful guns than we had. Then we thought it was because you had the best political system. Next we focused on your economic system. But in the past twenty years, we have realized that the heart of your culture is your religion: Christianity.
David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing
[In the] higher Christian churches... they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
Civil Societya complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churchesbuilds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust
In England there were always two sharply opposed middle classes, the academic middle class and the commercial middle class. In the nineteenth century, the academic middle class won the battle for power and status... Then came the triumph of Margaret Thatcher... The academics lost their power and prestige and... have been gloomy ever since.
Freeman Dyson, The Scientist as Rebel
Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says we should....
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity
What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph
When we received Christ, Phil added, all of a sudden we now had a rule book to go by, and when we had problems the preacher was right there to give us the answers.
James M. Ault, Jr., Spirit and Flesh
I mean three systems in one: a predominantly market economy; a polity respectful of the rights of the individual to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and a system of cultural institutions moved by ideals of liberty and justice for all.
In short, three dynamic and converging systems functioning as one: a democratic polity, an economy based on markets and incentives, and a moral-cultural system which is plural and, in the largest sense, liberal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism
There was nothing new about the Frankish drive to the east... [let] us recall that the continuance of their rule depended upon regular, successful, predatory warfare.
Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion
We have met with families in which for weeks together, not an article of sustenance but potatoes had been used; yet for every child the hard-earned sum was provided to send them to school.
E. G. West, Education and the State